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This paper intends to explore the Socio-Economic contribution of Institution of Madresa in Pakistani society while critically evaluating the authenticity of criticism against the institution which has surfaced after the 9/11 incident, accusing Madresa to be the breading ground of militancy, terror networks and sectarian violence. Additionally the paper explores the free-for-all service of Madresa in providing education, increasing literacy rate and employability for the poorest of the poor. It is discovered that Madresa provide a near equivalent of primary to tertiary levels of education by only spending almost half the amount spent by its conventional counterparts in the country. Along with this residential Madaris save the poorest of children from various illegal activities including child prostitution. Furthermore role of religiosity in crime reduction is also discussed in the light of various cross-national secondary researches and it is argued that by enhancing the influence of Madresa to increase the religiosity of the society, crimes of all nature, including corruption and white collar crimes, can be significantly reduced. The most of the conclusion are drawn on the basis of limited data available on Madaris affiliated with Wifaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia (which adhere to Deobandi school of thought) therefore the confidence level of conclusions needs to be further evaluated by adding more primary data including of other Madaris-networks operated with by Ahle-Tashee, Ahle-Hadith and Barelvi schools. The paper however provides a basis for further research in Pakistan to explore the influence of Madresa-initiated-religiosity on law and order situation, the degree of employability of Madresa graduates and the cost effectiveness of Madaris in all corners of Pakistan.

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Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1986551

Socio-Economic Contributions of Madresa in Pakistan

By Omar Javaid

Karachi Institute of Economics and Technology

Abstract

This paper intends to explore the Socio-Economic contribution of Institution of Madresa in Pakistani society while

critically evaluating the authenticity of criticism against the institution which has surfaced after the 9/11 incident,

accusing Madresa to be the breading ground of militancy, terror networks and sectarian violence. Additionally the

paper explores the free-for-all service of Madresa in providing education, increasing literacy rate and employability

for the poorest of the poor. It is discovered that Madresa provide a near equivalent of primary to tertiary levels of

education by only spending almost half the amount spent by its conventional counterparts in the country. Along with

this residential Madaris save the poorest of children from various illegal activities including child prostitution.

Furthermore role of religiosity in crime reduction is also discussed in the light of various cross-national secondary

researches and it is argued that by enhancing the influence of Madresa to increase the religiosity of the society,

crimes of all nature, including corruption and white collar crimes, can be significantly reduced . The most of the

conclusion are drawn on the basis of limited data available on Madaris affiliated with Wifaq-ul -Madaris Al-Arabia

(which adhere to Deobandi school of thought) therefore the confidence level of conclusions needs to be further

evaluated by adding more primary data including of other Madaris-networks operated with by Ahle-Tashee, Ahle-

Hadith and Barelvi schools. The paper however provides a basis for further research in Pakistan to explore the

influence of Madresa -initiated-religiosity on law and order situation, the degree of employability of Madresa

graduates and the cost effectiveness of Madaris in all corners of Pakistan.

Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1986551

Table of Contents

Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................................. 0

Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................................... 2

Definition ...................................................................................................................................................................... 2

History ........................................................................................................................................................................... 2

The Pakistani Context ....................................................................................................................................................... 5

Madresa and Terrorism; Linked or Not? ........................................................................................................................... 6

Madresa Reforms .......................................................................................................................................................... 7

Madresa and Sectarian Conflict ........................................................................................................................................ 7

Socio-Economic Role of Madresa Graduates .................................................................................................................... 9

Economic role ............................................................................................................................................................... 9

Employability ............................................................................................................................................................... 10

Influence on Law and Order ........................................................................................................................................ 12

Safehouse for Poor Children? ..................................................................................................................................... 12

Increasing Literacy rate: Free of cost .......................................................................................................................... 14

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................................................... 16

Appendix-A ...................................................................................................................................................................... 17

Bibliography .................................................................................................................................................................... 18

Introduction

Many believe that the incident of 9/11 changed the perception of a large majority regarding many things in the

world (Haven, 2011). It was axiomatically assumed that the culprits behind the incidents are Islamic extremists and

their eradication from the world is necessary to make this world a better place to live. George Bush defined the

incident as an attack on American Values or values of the free world (Klocke, 2004), and that things should go back

to normal so that 'Free Americans' can go back to shopping (Bacevich, 2008). To bring things back to normal it was

perhaps considered important to eradicate all sources generating negative sentiments against the values of the 'free

world' (secular and liberal), along with the people who advocates these sentiments to the extreme, from stand point

of the free world. In this context Madresa were considered to be part of the problem and were assumed to be

breading grounds of extremism. In the famous 'Civil Democratic Islam' Cheryl Benard accuses "… radical Islam turns

young people into cannon fodder and suicide bombers. Madrassas specifically educate boys to die young, to become

martyrs …" (Benard, 2003). A simple Google search reveals hundreds of reports, articles papers which are written

with the same presumption, just like it was assumed that Iraq being a big producer of WMD, as we will see in a

while. Later it was proved that WMB rhetoric was a lie (Chulov & Pidd, 2011), so was the case dismissed against

Madresa that they were breading grounds for terrorists (Puri, 2010).

Definition

Madresa is an Arabic word used in two different contexts: 1) commonly it could mean only "school"; 2) in

terminological sense Madresa is an institution providing education pertaining to the teachings of Qur'an, hadith

(sayings of the Prophet Muhammad s.a.w), jurisprudence (fiqh), and law. Historically, Madaris were known as an

institution of higher studies and existed in parallel to more basic version of schools called 'kuttab' where students

would only learning Qur'an. In contemporary sense "Madresa " has been used for any school - primary, secondary, or

tertiary - that promotes a curriculum based on Islamic Shariah. However in some countries, like Egypt and Lebanon,

the term 'Madresa' is used in literal sense refers to any educational institution (state-sponsored, private, secular, or

religious), mainly because the spoken language there is Arabic. On the contrary in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh,

Madresa commonly refers to a religious school where the curriculum is derived from Islamic Shariah and is affiliated

with any of the registered boards such as Wifaq- ul-Madaris Al-Arabia (Deobandi school of thought), Tanzim-ul-

Madaris (Barelvi school), Wafaq-ul-Madaris (Ahle-Tashee school), Wafaq-ul-Madaris (Ahle Hadith school) and

Rabita-ul-Madaris (Jamaat-e-Islami).

Any unregistered Madresa doesn't fall in the definition stated above. Activities or conduct of any such Madresa will

not be considered worthy of acknowledgment in this study.

History

In literal sense the first Madresa was established by Prophet Muhammad s.a.w1 himself which was known as 'Sufa'.

It was a simple place to sit where Prophet s.a.w use to teach his companions r.a.a 2 about the fundamentals of Islam.

1 Sal-lal-laho-Alaehe-Wasal-lam (May peace be upon him)

Government operated Madaris (plural of Madresa ) were later established in around 1065 CE in Morocco – during

the late Abbasid period. Nizamul Mulk Tusi created the first officially recognized one by the name of Madresa

Nizamiyah. Its branches were spread in various Abbasid cities by at the end of the 11 th century. Before Tusi's

initiative Madaris were an integral part of Masajid (Mosques), however when the Masajid became overloaded and

educational activities begin to disrupt the Ibadat (prayers) or worshipers, separate buildings of Madaris begin to

erect adjacent to Masajid .

The scope of education there ranged from basic religious education, from primary to tertiary levels, specializing in

the areas of Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence), Medicine and even administrative sciences. Along with these engineering,

mathematics, architectural sciences were also taught in Madaris. It is also said that Muslim scientist were also

educated in this institution (Jalindhari, 2011, pp. 163, 164). Madaris therefore provided complete educational

solution in Islamic civilization.

The epistemological foundation of everything taught in a Madresa since the beginning till today rests upon Quran

and Sunnah, therefore Madresa have always been considered as a significant contributor in shaping the value

structure of society in an Islamic way where they exist.

It is believed by various Islamic historians and scholars that during British rule in subcontinent after 1857 and

communist revolution in Balkans etc after 1917 Madresa were considered to be the breeding grounds of the

resistance against the occupation of British (Qureshi, 1998) or communist rules in respective regions (Usmani, 2008,

pp. 293-303), therefore various violent and non-violent means were used to reduce or eliminate the role of Madresa

from the society. It is often quoted that Bukhara and Samarqand which remained knowledge centers of Islamic

civilization since many centuries were deliberately cleansed (sic) by communist forces and to day that traditional

values and spirit is missing from these cities. Perhaps even today Madresa are again assumed as a source of

resistance or rejection of the value system (Jalindhari, 2011, p. 338) which global players are busy preaching and

spreading in the world by hook or crook. Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya are recent examples.

On the other hand the perspective of foreigners like Lord Macaulay in 1835, author of the famous minutes of

education, was that the education system of the subcontinent, of which Madresa were a major part, was a root of

backwardness, ignorance and barrier in progress of the region as envisioned by the European standards of that time.

Macaulay wrote in his minutes on education:

"I have conversed both here and at home with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues. I am quite

ready to take the Oriental learning at the valuation of the Orientalists themselves. I have never found one among them

who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and

Arabia ['this would include all religious text as well', Author]. The intrinsic superiority of the Western literature is, indeed,

fully admitted by those members of the Committee who support the Oriental plan of education (para 10) … It is impossible

for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to for m a class

who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but

2 Razi-Allah-tala-Anhu (May Allah be pleased with them)

English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the

country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by

degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population (para 34)" 3

With this standpoint Britishers made serious efforts to undermine the role of Madresa and (Ghazi, 2011, pp. 40-41)

replace it with their own brand of education system suitable for their own needs. Ulema and all stakeholders of

Madaris gave a fierce resistance to the onslaught by Britishers on the Institution of Madresa particularly after the

loss of Political power of Mughal Empire after mutiny of 1857 (Qureshi, 1998). The role of Ulema in the

independence movement is also worth noting. According to Anjum (2006):

"The Indian madrasas where Muslim children learned the art and etiquette of life were destroyed. In the Bengal Province

alone, where some eighty thousand madrasas were running under the rule of Jehangir, all of them were demolished … It will

not be true to say that this independence [of subcontinent] is achieved by the sole efforts of Ulema. However, there is no

denying the fact that Ulema played the most crucial and critical role in this. The significant factor is that in this noble cause

Ulema from a cross section of schools of thought participated. Prominent among them are Maulana Imam Bakhsh Sahbai,

Maulana Shah Abdul Aziz Muhaddis Dehlavi, Maulana Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi, Mufti Sadruddin Khan Aazurda, Mufti Inayat

Ahmad Kakorvi, Maulvi Jafer Thanesari, Maulvi Liyawat Allahabadi, Maulvi Rasheed Ahamd Gangohvi, Maulana Mazharul

Haq, Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali, Maulana Ahmad Raza Khan, Maulana Sayyid Naimuddin Moradabadi, Maulana Hasrat

Mohani, Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, etc.".

A part from Ulema Intellectuals like Allama Iqbal and Akbar Ala Abidi were also xenophobic to the new system of

Education brought by the foreigners. Through their poetry they heavily criticized the philosophical foundation and

the impact which the colonial education system created in the society. Some lines from their poetry are as follows:

"Youn Qatal se wo bachon ke wo badnam na hota;

afsoos ke firaoon ko collegoon ki na sojee"

….

"In se bibi ne school hi ki bat ki

Ye na batlaya khan rakhi he roti rat ki" (Akbal Ala Abadi)

"Mehsoos per bina he Alam-e-Jadeed ki;

Hai is dour mein sheesha aqaid ka pash pash"

…

"Hai taleem peer falsafa-e-magribi;

hai nadan ko bas hastee-e-ghaib ki talash" (Iqbal going sarcastic)

The alternative education which Akbar Ala Abadi and Iqbal4 seem to be inclined toward is closer to the version

followed in Madresa. Even today we find people who are against or in favor of the Madresa institution to various

3 Bureau of Education. Selections from Educational Records, Part I (1781-1839). Edited by H. Sharp. Calcutta: Superintendent, Government

Printing, 1920. Reprint. Delhi: National Archives of India, 1965, 107-117.

4 Iqbal has even criticized the culture prevalent in Madresa system or religious seminaries in his poetry, like in some lines in his famous 'Iblees

ki majlis-e-shura'(The Devils Council), but this doesn't mean that he was against the philosophical foundation of the institution, which is cl ear

from some of the lines from his poetry quoted above.

extents. Some actively look forward for their eradication from the society, whereas some even offer financial

support worth billions (Ghazi, 2011, p. 198) for maintenance of old Madaris and establishment of new ones.

The Pakistani Context

It can be inferred that Pakistani society is primarily a religious in nature, where non-liberal and non-secular values

are deeply embedded in its culture. For the same reason perhaps Madresa have found a safe haven in Pakistan. It

can be said so as the number of students currently studying in the Madresa is around 2 – 3 millions (Andrabi, Das,

Khwaja, & Zajonc, 2005; Jalindhari, 2011). Madaris spent roughly Rs. 950/- per month on average on the education

and accommodation of these students (detailed discussion coming below). Even if we take a conservative number of

2 million students studying in the Madresa institution across the country then a rough estimate of the expenditure

on education with ' accommodation' by the entire Madresa institution in Pakistan could be around Rs. 2 billion

monthly and around Rs. 24 billion annually. All of this money is collected by Madresa in the form of charity, Zakat,

and 'accounts payables' as they don't have any other source of income. One can estimate the extent of financial

support received by Madresa from the society in general.

Furthermore every year around hundred thousand pass-outs and assume different religious roles in the society

(Ghazi, 2011), such as clerics in mosques. From the population of Pakistan around 84% observe Friday prayers and

40% pray in mosques in Pakistan; and this number "… has increased in Pakistan during the last decade" (Gallup

Pakistan, 2000). According to another survey at least 64% of the population "… seeks information regarding religion

from religious leaders and Imams". Furthermore it is inferred in the same survey that "this have changed in these

few years and religious scholars have become more prominent in disseminating religious information" (Gallup

Pakistan, 2009). The religious leaders and Imams with whom Pakistani population is interacting more often, as

mentioned above, are none other than graduates from Madresa .

Keeping this in view ideological and socio-economic influence of the entire system of Madresa on the overall society

can also be assumed to be significant. However Beauty of this significance is in eye of the beholder. This makes it a

tricky topic as appraisal of an education institution under discussion will be different or even contradictory when

done from religious perspective versus liberal secular perspective.

There is no question about the inherent contradiction or conflict which exists between liberal / secular and

Islamic value systems at ontological, cosmological and epistemological levels. However since an ordinary man is

more concern about the physical manifestation instead of conceptual connotations of the two systems, therefore it

would be a relatively better idea to find some common ground at the practical levels. For example the two value

systems wouldn't much argue on the importance of:

 Impact on the law and order situation of the society by the graduates of the institution etc.

 Providing a safe house to millions of children from the poorest pockets of society

 Fund utilizing efficiency of the institution (both value systems are against wastage perhaps due to different

reasons),

 Ability to produce Employable citizens

 Contribution in enhancing literacy rate

Madresa and Terrorism; Linked or Not?

Before proceeding further it is crucial to discuss the connection of Madresa with terrorism, local and international. It

is a known fact that less than one percent of terrorist activities in Europe in last decade were conducted by so called

Islamic terrorists (Danios, 2010) . Even from this small number, it is interested to note that so called Muslim terrorists

who have ever been arrested had never attended any Madresa (Puri, 2010). While citing various sources Winthrop

and Graff (2010) notes in one of their comprehensive report on linkages between Madresa and militancy in Pakistan:

"… a recent study of militants involved in the Kashmir dispute suggests that few are recruited in Madresa. Other Pakistan

experts confirm this, suggesting, for instance, that Lashkare-e-Tayaba draws its recruits not from Madresa but from

universities, colleges and among unemployed youths. This finding is consistent with studies of terrorist recruits in other

parts of the world, which, though suffering from methodological flaws, suggest that recruits are not generally less well

educated or poorer than the average citizens in their country of origin. Research … also shows that the recruits involved in

five of the largest international terrorist attacks had no connections to Madresa."

In a Most Wanted Terrorists list of Pakistan released by Dataflow Research Department (2009), only 10% of the

terrorists had some form of preliminary education from a Madresa, none of them had attended tertiary level

education in a Madresa, the remaining 90% were graduates of secular education system of the country, or their

qualification are not known but their pictures in the report hints toward their nonreligious background.

Some authors have taken a biased and opinionated view on the connection between Madresa and militancy, like a

study by International Crisis Group (2002) infers without citing references of any credible source:

"Most madrasas do not impart military training or education but they do sow the seeds of extremism in the minds of the

students … In short, madrasa education and upbringing aim to indoctrinate with an intolerance of other religious systems."

(pp. 2-3)

Looney (2003) also without citing any credible source makes a sweeping statement:

"Unfortunately, many of the Madrassas have built extremely close ties with radical militant groups, both inside and outside

of Pakistan. In this capacity they have increasingly played a critical role in sustaining the international terrorist network."

(p. 261)

On the other hand a small number of Madaris, in relation with their total number, involved in local (inside Pakistan)

form of terrorism primarily belong to banned organizations like TTP or Lashkar-e-Jhangvi etc with doubtful

affiliations. Some even claim that these banned organizations are subsidiaries of RAW (the Indian intelligence

agency) and operate various unregistered brainwashing Madaris along Pak-Afghan Boarders (Aaj TV, 2011). Some

even are of the opinion that "9/11 was a Mossad operation" (Sabrosky, 2010; Madsen, 2011). Even if it is agreed

that a small percentage of unregistered Madaris are involved in militancy or terrorism to a certain degree, then it is

most certain that they would be condemned and denounced by the official networks of Madaris (Jamiat Ulama-i-

Hind, 2009; Ghazi, 2011; Jalindhari, 2011, p. 350).

Beside this terrorism is a recent phenomenon, though the institution of Madresa has played a prominent social role

since many centuries in Muslim societies, since they are the only form of formal education system which prevailed

throughout the Islamic civilization for many centuries. This role even extended to preservation, defense and

propagation of brand of value system which they hold sacred to themselves, so is the case today. This defense has

been also been in the form of aggression to any foreign force challenging the value system dear to them (Jalindhari,

2011, p. 328). The most recent examples are during the Russian invasion of Afghanistan and continuous occupation

of Kashmir by Indian armed forces.

Madresa pass-outs have been very active in volunteering to support the resistance movements (Usmani, 2008, p.

398). Though this happens only when a foreign force invade their land (which includes all parts of the world with

dominant Muslim population) with military force, however it is claimed that the Madresa graduates only offer any or

all forms of resistance to the foreign invaders only and prefer not to hurt any civilian population (Usmani, 2008, p.

397).

Keeping this history in view, the possibility of Pakistani Madaris (Plural of Madresa ) pass-outs being involved in

offering resistance of NATO and American allies in Afghanistan cannot be ruled out though the magnitude would be

lower than their role in resisting communist invasion some decades ago. This reduced role could be due to the

restrictions from Pakistani Govt. and Pakistani Army against all cross border activities since 9/11.

Madresa Reforms

Since Pakistani Govt. has offered itself as an ally of America therefore, in this context, any initiative by the Govt. to

reform the Madresa system is seen with suspicion and is considered as an attempt to defuse their resistive spirit.

Looney, while citing various key figures from Madresa Networks managed by different schools of thought,

anticipates "their [Madaris ] biggest suspicion is that every government move in this direction is a Western-inspired

maneuver to gain control over Islamic institutions to change the Islamic education and values to suit the West"

(2003, p. 268).

This rigidity in the attitude of Madresa against any change can be understood by putting oneself in their shoes. How

a university in the in Europe, America or Australia would respond if they are told to advocate values contradictory to

the spirit of liberalism, secularism and democracy. In a similar way the institution Madresa may not also be accepted

to adopt anything which they consider contradictory to their value system.

Madresa and Sectarian Conflict

Ali (2008), Ahmer (2009) and Zaman (1998) has written on the root cause of sectarian violence in Pakistan. This

conflict has been prevalent among the two sects Shia and Sunni mainly. Both authors agree that these outfits have

been created in reaction to injustice of the feudal system mainly in lower Punjab area, where this feudal system has

its inclination toward Ahl-e-Tashee sect (Shia). In reaction to this injustice and illegitimate use of power against the

lower class militant organizations have emerged to resist the hegemony of unduly dominant sects of the rival group.

The violent reactions by both factions against each other however have also been criticized by these authors as

socially destructive and have demanded solutions to the problem.

Zaman (1998) and Ahmer (2009) have in fact taken a more historical and holistic view on the development of the

sectarian conflicts in Pakistan, starting from branding of Ahmedies as non-Muslims, to influence of Iranian revolution

on Shia community in Pakistan and its subsequent uprising on Zia's pro Sunni policies, to the formation of Sipah-e-

Mohammad, a banned militant outfit, as subsidiary of TNJP and finally the creation of Sipah-e-Sahaba in reaction to

the Shia militancy and injustice of Shia magnets and feudal class against the sunni peasants in the Jhang region.

Zaman's arguments seem unbiased as he blames both factions in contributing to the problem and not in the

solution.

It is also claimed that modern form sectarian violence between Shia-Sunni (The Nation, 2010) and Barelvi-Deobandi

(Ghazi, 2011, p. 61) is caused by a local or foreign conspirators. Furthermore political and economic factors create a

context to breed violence where arguments of religious (whose health might be questionable) nature only provide

moral justification to a violent act.

It is argued that in a society which is already divided on political, ethnic, racial and economic grounds, presence of

religious divide is a no surprise. Molana Qari Muhamamd Hafeez Jalindhari, Head of Wafaq-ul -Madaris Al -Arabia

network, questions that why religious sectarian violence gets more attention in the media or emphasized by the

government despite the fact its magnitude in the overall violence, occurring due to political, ethnic and racial

reasons, is insignificant. He even argues that if government is really serious then it should work to eradicate all forms

of violence occurring at various types of fault lines, let alone religious (Jalindhari, 2011, p. 110).

According to Mufti Zahid Sangharvi, graduate of Darul-uloom Korangi, "around 2 out of 16 years of Madresa

education, topics related to differences among various 'schools of thought' and sects are taught". It largely depends

on the teacher how he is teaching the topics, says Mufti Zahid. Mainstream Madaris are not involved in sectarian

violence, rather they condemn the phenomenon however, in his view, some teachers in Madaris in remote rural

areas does incite hate for other sects among their students, which might contribute to the problem, however "The

percentage of such Madaris might be insignificant in total" (Sangharvi, 2011). It is also claimed that highest respect is

paid to the viewpoints of other schools of thoughts such as those belong to Imam Malik, Imam Shafi and Imam

Hambal r.a5 (Jalindhari, 2011, p. 107), however it is also admitted by Molana Hafeez Jalindhari that while discussing

the viewpoints of the other sects (like Barelvi or Ahle-Tashee) the tone of the discussion becomes intense and critical

beyond the appropriate limits. Molana Jalindhari suggests that this habit is inexcusable and must be rectified

whenever and wherever it is present (p. 168).

No matter how little the involvement may be, if there is a point of weakness then it should be proactively being

taken care of. Ali (2008) also confirms the observation of Mufti Zahid Sangharvi stated above for Ahmedpur-East

region in lower Punjab, however he also suggests that government has to address the issues of rural development ,

5 Rehmatullah Alaeh (Main Allah shower His blessing on him)

take measures to eradicate economic disparity and protect the violation peasant rights which provide a context for

hatred among feudal (Ahle-Tashee ) and peasant class (Sunni).

This suggests that roots of sectarian violence might be traced to economic and political causes instead of religious

ones alone, let alone of any foreign conspiracy. However this shouldn't excuse Madaris executive bodies to keep a

check and take precautionary measures when and where needed within their system or curriculum and avoid

becoming part of the problem.

Socio-Economic Role of Madresa Graduates

The question of Madrasa's socio-economic contribution in the society is also worth probing. Some discussion will be

done on:

 Economic role of Madresa graduates in society,

 Employability of Madresa graduates,

 Influence of Law and order of society,

 Providing a Safehouse for poor children, and

 Contribution in increasing literacy rate

Economic role

In a contemporary sense if person is capable of adding economic value in the society through his skills, talents,

competencies etc then he or she qualifies to be called as human capital, whose economic value needs to be greater,

in monetary terms, then the investment put into the development of his skills and talents to qualify as human

capital. In view of Smith (1776) if a person's:

"… acquisition of such talents, by the maintenance of the acquirer during his education, study, or apprenticeship, always

costs a real expense, which is a capital fixed and realized, as it were, in his person. Those talents, as they make a part of his

fortune, so do they likewise that of the society to which he belongs. The improved dexterity of the workman may be

considered in the same light as a machine or instrument of trade which facilitates and abridges labor, and which, though it

costs a certain expense, repays that expense with a profit".

A Madresa graduate doesn't qualify to that. A typical private corporation requires a variety of skills in the domains of

marketing, management, logistics, finance, accounts, production, quality control etc. Furthermore the organizational

culture and norms, its value system allows only those to fit in those who accept the same value system. A Madresa

graduate isn't like that and his value system also doesn't makes him compatible with most organizational cultures of

contemporary nature such as where free mingling of opposite genders is an organizational norm. "Headhunter says

in today's job environment Madresa graduates are at a disadvantage", asserts Imtiaz (2011) while quoting various

head hunters`. In the same context the need to provide Madresa students vocational training is also highlighted,

Haider (2011) in one of his articles, while quoting many researchers, concludes:

"Instead of teaching Math and English, I would recommend vocational training for all Madresa students … Pakistan needs

plumbers, motor mechanics, electricians and other similar craftsmen who can demand a decent wage in the current market

place."

This critique on Madresa graduates is coming from a value system alien to Islam, economic role of an individual as

emphasized above is valued in a capitalistic order, where accumulation of wealth for pleasure and freedom

maximization is considered to be the end objective of all economic activity (Ansari & Arshad, 2006); it is also

considered his responsibility to do so as his higher standard of living will increase his consumption patterns which

eventually give reasons for the producers to produce more, henceforth the economic engine of the society will move

faster and faster, if this continues to happen.

In the same light a corporate environment is designed to encourage employees to advance in their careers for the

sake of increasing levels of remuneration and status. Each of these levels promises a better then before standard of

living. The top executives maintain a lifestyle to aspire the middle and lower level management so that they may

work hard to earn the same standard at sometime in future. A person is bound to get entangled in such a system if

he considers improving his consumption and accumulation cycle intermittently throughout his life. There is no end

point to it. A Madresa graduate cannot be expected to become a part of such a lifestyle, simply because

"unprecedented wealth creation " (Heilbroner, 2007) is not what he is trained or suppose to do; his value system

inspire him to become a virtuous man instead. Consuming and accumulating as an end objective doesn't make any

sense to him. Submission to 'Divine Will' instead of 'freedom maximization' is his primary concern and goal.

Employability

Extensive primary research is required to find out the kind of jobs acquired by Madresa graduates and how much

they earn, however it wouldn't be wrong to assume that the vast majority of them belongs to lower economic class,

and works mainly as teachers in the same Madresa, as an Imam, Khateeb or Moazen in Mosques and become

teachers of Arabic or Islamiat in private of public schools etc. In view of Molana Adil Digri around 70% of graduates

assume a religious role after passing out (Digri, 2011). All of these are low paying jobs from economic perspective.

Evans (2008) asserts:

"Why do parents choose a madrasah education? ... The first is employment. Critics of madrasahs are right to say that … the

curriculum [there] is often narrowly focused on religious subjects, although self-discipline, an important life skill, does

potentially follow from the highly regulated and intense environment of an urban madrasah. A madrasah graduate is

unlikely to be able to become a doctor, engineer, or a pilot … Even with a decent education, the likelihood of getting a secure

job is low … A madrasah graduate, even from a primary school (maktab) is likely to be literate, placing them ahead of

illiterate peers in the employment market. Moreover, there is an apparent market—however limited—for madrasah

teachers, and parents may believe that there is an opportunity for their children to earn a livelihood from teaching at one."

Sajjad (2009) also notes while referring to various works:

"Indeed, even as graduates of secular schools are unemployed in large numbers, it is rare to find a madrasa graduate

unemployed. Similarly … if a student wants to make a livelihood working in a spiritually rewarding if low-paying job, he

should be admired, not condemned."

Molana Adil Digri and Mufti Zahid Sangharvi have also believe that almost 95% of Madaris graduates find a

respectable job. Majority of them becomes an Imam of a Masjid or Madresa teacher. A few also advances their

education and chose to become an Islamic Jurist or Mufti as well (Digri, 2011; Sangharvi, 2011).

After the brink of Islamic finance, a few who are qualified till the level of Mufti have been able to find Jobs in Islamic

Banks and Takaful companies. Today this number is small however Islamic Banks and Takaful companies locally and

internationally are growing at a noticeable pace (Imam & Kpodar, 2010) and has "promising growth prospects" in

future as well (Akhtar, 2008). Global financial crisis has also turned attentions of many including Vatican toward

acknowledging that "banks should look at the rules of Islamic finance to restore confidence amongst their clients at a

time of global economic crisis" (Totaro, 2009). This has open new job prospects for Dars-e-Nizami (Equivalent of post

graduation) and Takhasus (qualification necessary to become an Islamic Jurist) Graduates.

Along with that a growing number of Islamically Inspired business in all types of industries 6 and Halal food industry

(Islam, 2011) is also promising in this context. At present most of the Muftian (plural of Mufti or Islamic Jurist) find

their way into Darul-Ifta 7 of a Madresa (bigger ones) where they provide legal advice, decree (Fatwa) and Shariah

compliant solutions to various business and family related matters. But that again is a very small percentage of

graduates as well.

It is also argued that specialization courses offered in Madresa are intended to make the graduate expert theologian

or a jurisprudent, not a doctor, engineer, or something else (Evans A. , 2008). In Muslim societies such religious

experts are highly valued as they provide guidance to general public with respect to various personal, domestic and

business related problems. They even provide help in resolving various marriage (divorce), inheritance or

commercial disputes, sharing the load of formal court system of the country, which is already highly congested by

backlog cases in Pakistan (Rehman, 2011). Mufti Abdul Manan, member of Darul-ifta, Darul Uloom Korangi Karachi,

states that solution or Fatawa for around 13,000 problems and disputes are provided on yearly basis. Around 35

Muftian alone in Darul Uloom Korangi Karachi provides this service to general public free of charge. In Karachi the

total number of these Fatawa goes upto 60,000 per annum (Manan, 2011). Keeping this in view it can be safely

assume that in absence of Darul-Ifta operated within large Madaris, court system of Pakistan would have strained

even more.

Madresa in their own perspective are doing a massive contribution to the society by preserving the value system

from the onslaught of foreign values, disseminating the knowledge of Islam and Shariah (Ghazi, 2011) and perform

various ritualistic duties like leading prayers in congregation, leading funeral prayers, performing Nikah ceremonies

etc. Ahmad (2004) also acknowledges this social role of the clergy.

6 Currently two parallel movements though philosophically aligned are working for this cause. One of them is operating from Lahore by the

name of Ahya-e-Deen led by senior scholars of Tableeghi Jamat and the other one in Karachi by the name of UBBM (Ubudiya Based Business

Model) Forum led by Sheikh Hashim, CEO of Al-Khair Creative Wears. These movements comprises of numerous scholars, entrepreneurs,

business professionals and top level executives from a diverse background. Educational Institutions like Ripha Center of Islamic Business

(http://www.riphah.edu.pk/RCIB/tabid/178/Default.aspx ) and Guidance Institute (http://www.hikmahfoundation.com/wordpress/), and

advisory services like Shariah Consultancy Services (http://scsguide.com/) and Naafay Consultancy ( http://www.ciraat.com/naafey/) etc are

getting an overwhelming response from business community indicating that demand for Islamic jurists (Mufti) as Shariah Advisors and

teachers is most likely to be increase substantially in future.

7 Department of Madresa which provides solution to various domestic or commercial problems or disputes brought by general public

Influence on Law and Order

It is generally assumed that religious institutions let it be a church, synagogue, Buddhist temple, masjid or a

Madresa, are a source of religiosity in a society. There is significant cross-national empirical evidence available that

religious influence reduces the crime rates in any particular society. The fear of punishment in hereafter restrains

people from committing crime (Ellis, 1985); furthermore the moral code offer by the religion also offers deterrence

against criminal behavior (Ellis & Peterson, 1996). Evans, Cullen, Dunaway & Burton (1995) has also inferred after

their analysis that "participation in religious activities was a persistent and non - contingent inhibiter of adult crime".

Stack & Kposowa (2006) has also inferred that religiosity and tax fraud are inversely proportional, which suggests

that a religiously conscious society is likely to avoid tax frauds and fiscal deficits. Muhamad (2009) have also found

Muslim students in Malaysia being less tolerant toward unethical business practices if they are more religious, he

infers that more students from "religious education stream … are less tolerant toward unethical business practices".

In a theoretical paper Al -Khalifah (1994) has also inferred that "religiosity, in an Islamic context, serves as a

mechanism which shields people from criminal temptation". Ali (1985) has examined the impact of religious

inclination of the society, its penal code, the education system on the low crime rate which prevails in the Saudi

society, he asserts that "a combination of factors seems to contribute to the very low rates of crime in Saudi Arabia

including the firm and deterrent effect of Islamic criminal law, the general effect of religion and religiosity, the

influence of Quranic teachings, and the Islamic educational system." Gunes (2003) in his study on university

students in Turkey, a Muslim predominant country, also concludes that "religion and religiosity have important social

control functions on crime through shaping attitudes of people against crime [among university students in Turkey]."

Analogously there is little or no evidence available to significantly connect Madresa graduates in Pakistan with

crimes of various types such as drug trafficking, money laundering, forged currency, printing, extortion, murder for

hire, fraud, human trafficking, corruption, black marketeering, political, violence, terrorism, and abduction for

ransom. This could be so because many of these crimes are too sophisticated for a typical Madresa graduate, 95% of

those have never seen a gun in their life even on a television, it is believed (Ghazi, 2011, p. 254). Secondly the

religiosity factor also significantly reduces ones inclination toward crime as empirically shown by various researchers

cited above. Keeping this in view, it is safe to hypothesize that, a Madresa graduates and any one directly or

indirectly associated with Madresa , regular attendees of Mosques (which is also operated by Madresa graduates)

and those involved in missionary organizations like Tablighi Jamat are less likely to involve in any criminal activity as

compare to those who are illiterate or those who attend secular schools. However a comprehensive primary

research is needed of similar nature cited above to factually back this insight, or reject it.

Safehouse for Poor Children?

There is no accurate figure of Madresa enrolment in Pakistan, however it wouldn't be wrong to assume the number

to be more than 2 million, among which around 1.5 million are residing at 9000 Madaris affiliated with Wafaq-ul-

Madaris Al-Arabia network, which adhere to Deobandi school of thought, alone (Jalindhari, 2011, p. 180). After

dismissing the allegation of being a breeding ground of militancy or terrorists (discussed is detailed above), It can be

argued that these Madresa are safehouses for the poor children. It is said so because "runaways, school dropouts

and illiterate boys from poor and often abusive families are found to be at high risk. The main factors pushing … boys

into prostitution are the need for food, clothing, accommodation and money" (ECPAT, 2006, p. 11). Food, clothing,

accommodation and money are what poor students of Madresa get free of cost along with education of comparable

quality and chance of getting a respectable employment after graduation. Perhaps for the same reason former

President Pervez Musharaf called Madresa as the Pakistan biggest network of NGOs (Musharraf, 2002).

On the other hand there have been reports on child sexual abuse incidents occurring within the premises of some

Madaris in Pakistan (Murphy, 2005; Jafferi, 2011). Neutrality of these media reports is also questionable. Child abuse

and Molestation is an unfortunate reality in Pakistan and there has been numerous incidents reported in media

every now and then (Pakistan Today, 2011). Majority of these young victims are abused, molested or exploited by

their acquaintances.

In a report compiled by Sahil (NGO working against child abuse in Pakistan) 81% out of 4543 abusers were

acquaintances in the year 2010. Among these 3106 were family members of the victim, 22 were school teachers and

18 were identified as "Molvis" etc . From the total of 675 places of abuse, whose data was collected by Sahil, 369

were abusers place, 306 were victims place, 18 were schools, 10 were Mosques and 2 were Madresa etc (Sahil,

2010). In an earlier report prepared by Sahil, out of total of 13181 abusers, 117 were "Molvis" and 101 were school

teachers from the year 02' to 06', whereas only one Madresa was reported to be a where crime took place in this 4

year period (Sahil, 2007). These reports have been compiled from the cases which gained a spotlight in media

therefore it is believed by Sahil that these "number of incidents … do not represent the total numbers of such

incidents in Pakistan-because such issues are taboo and are not easily reported. Any attempt to quantify the issue of

child sexual abuse is bound to be limited in scope" (Sahil, 2011).

In another report published by ECPAT, schools in Pakistan (Lahore and Peshawar) can be a place where children can

be forced into child prostitution (Muhammad & Zafar, 2006, p. 36), furthermore the report notes that some "schools

are not safe places for children. Teachers, whose role should be to protect children from abuse, can become abusers

and exploiters due to poor supervision by the Education Department and the local community." (p. 37). In this report

there was no mention of Madresa being a place of sexual abuse of children, on the contrary it was mentioned that

various community religious leaders (who appeared in focus group discussion on the subject) "strongly felt that

falling moral standards and increasing obscenity are also important factors behind boy prostitution" (p. 49).

Madaris authorities don't deny the likelihood of such cases of child abuse occurring within the premises of Madresa

boundaries or Madresa teachers being involved in such acts. Mufti Zahid Sangharvi (2011) has also accepted that

occurrence of such unfortunate incident is possible in Madresa. He even mentioned a personal account of firing a

teacher, who was accused by a student for sodomizing him, from the Madresa where he himself teaches. Even

Murphy (2005), in his not so neutral article, has quoted Molana Hafeez Jalindhari, head of Wifaq-ul -Madaris Al-

Arabia (cited above as well), saying "I cannot rule out isolated incidents of sex abuse at Madresa, but I reject reports

that hundreds of students are being subjected to sexual attacks at Madresa". Keeping in view the statistics

documented and published by Sahil, claim of Molana Jalindhari seems correct that such are only isolated incidents.

Portraying the entire institution of Madresa, where less than 5 crimes in the last decade were reported to have

taken place, for being involved in such a cruel act is unjustified. Just to pass a mention, Clayton (2002), in an article

on Christian Science Monitor, quotes a survey conducted by Christian Ministry Resource which suggests " that over

the past decade, the pace of child-abuse allegations against American churches has averaged 70 a week. The surveys

registered a slight downward trend in reported abuse starting in 1997, possibly a result of the introduction of

preventive measures by churches." Jay (2002) in his study on 'Sexual abuse of Minors by Catholic Priests in the

United States' reported that around 4 - 5% of the priests have been accused for this criminal act in a 42 year period.

There is substantial empirical evidence available to conclude that the intensity and seriousness of the said problem

within the institution of Church is far more significant than it exists in Madaris, however interestingly Church it is not

highlighted with the kind of sensationalism it is seen in articles on Madaris, like the ones by Murphy and Jafferi cited

above. Furthermore, keeping in view the soundness of the evidence on the prevalence of this criminal activity in

Church since a long period of time, one still cannot say that this is an isolated phenomenon. If we accuse Madresa

Institution as a whole responsible for such a crime, then secular schooling system or the Institution of Church would

also have to be accused with an even greater intensity keeping in view the numbers quoted above.

Coming back to the point, a school which doesn't provide accommodation to a boy also cannot guarantee his

protection beyond school hours from the possible threat which may exist in his neighborhood or family members.

On the other hand, keeping in view the statistics referred above, for a poor child a Madresa would be a safer place

(minus the unconditional motherly love and affection available at home) for him then his neighborhood, let alone his

home; as the chance of his getting abused, molested and exploited and even killed in the process are significantly

higher when he is not a resident student of a Madresa.

Increasing Literacy rate: Free of cost

Evans (2008) has highlighted the need of a research which explores the literacy increasing function of Madresa in

society. It is known fact that Madresa provide education utterly free of cost, in fact many even bears the expense of

boarding and lodging of students. Evans in the same essay notes "Even if Madresa do little more than make

thousands of young people who would not otherwise learn to read and write, that is an educational achievement."

Ghazi (2011, pp. 91, 256, 258) even claims that the literacy rate in Pakistan has contributed significantly increased by

Madresa because the condition in public school is not good enough to achieve this objective. This claim seems

farfetched and inconsistent with the argument in the same book on page 254, which can also be backed by a

research (Andrabi, Das, Khwaja, & Zajonc, 2005), that in Pakistan out of total only 2-3% students (liberal estimates)

goes to Madresa for their primary education, and the rest goes to public or private schools.

By fraction of the total, the contribution of Madresa in increasing the literary rate might be small, however Madresa

provide education free of cost at primary, secondary and even at tertiary levels. This means in the least sense the

institution of Madresa have been doing a government's job of increasing the literacy rates in the country without

using the taxpayer's money. Furthermore Ghazi (2011, p. 89) has also reported that out of 2.1 million students in

registered Madresa around the country 0.9 million are female. If this is true then it is sufficient to refute the

allegation of biasness religious circles has toward the education of female, as well.

It would be interesting to find out how a Madresa spends on teaching one child in comparison to a conventional

welfare school operated in Pakistan by any NGO or a public school. Some authors have done some number

crunching to work out the breakeven cost of educating a child in some parts in Pakistan. The average cost of private

school per month per student was Rs. 326.3 and Rs. 191.2 in government schools in Lahore Pakistan; furthermore

pupil-teacher ratio is 25.2 in private schools and 42.5 in government schools (Alderman, Orazem, & Paterno, 2001).

In another paper by it was noted that "private schools in Lahore, Pakistan functioned in 1995 with monthly tuition

under 100 rupees. The presumption was that households in Quetta, a poorer city than Lahore, could afford at most

50 rupees per month tuition …" (Alderman, Kim, & Orazem, 2003, p. 269). This was more than ten years back; today

the cost would have increased manifolds keeping in view on high inflation rate persistent particularly during last four

years.

TCF foundation, which is one of the largest non-profit education provider in Pakistan, spent Rs. 735.5 million (2010,

p. 27) in 2010 on the management of 730 schools across Pakistan (this expense includes salaries of teachers to

marketing for fund raising activities). The total students studying in these schools are 102,000. It is also mentioned

that around 92% of the total expenditure is on providing education to students. If this true then roughly Rs. 7206 per

student per year is spent by TCF on the education of one child. That's around Rs. 600 per month per student. TCF is

also not 100% free like a Madresa, however people can "pay -as-they- afford" and "… up 95% scholarships are

provided to all deserving students. Books and uniforms are also heavily subsidized and provided on easy

installments." (2010, p. 17).

According to a rough estimate, based on the macro level statistics in the Economic Survey of 2009-10 available on

Ministry of Finance official website (www.finance.gov.pk) the total expenditure by government on maintain the

education system was Rs. 215 Billion, in which roughly 29.6 million students were enrolled in all levels of education

(roughly 80% of which were undergraduate students). This also gives us a crude estimate of government expenditure

of Rs. 600 per student per month in the fiscal year of 2009-10. It is interesting to note that TCF foundation spends

almost the same amount as government of Pakistan spends on education; however the quality of the education and

infrastructure maintained by both is different by miles, proof of which can be easily found just by walking in any of

the schools operated by both parties.

On the other hand Madresa named Jamia Ashrafia in Mankot near Multan claims to spend Rs. 1,110 on one student

per month which includes the amount spent on his accommodation as well. Out of 600, 450 are resident students in

this Madresa. The maximum education which a student receives is till Dora-e-Hadith (equivalent to Masters Degree

from conventional university). Molana Adil Digri, head of Jamia Farooqia Digri, provided monthly expenditure per

student of around 30 Madresa of interior Sindh, along with maximum level of education provided in there (see

Appendix-A). Education provided ranges from Hifz (equivalent to 5th Grade in conventional schools), Saniya

(Matriculation), Rabia (Intermediate or collage education), Sadesa (equivalent to bachelors), Almia or Dars-e-Niazmi

(equivalent to post graduation).

All of these Madaris provides accommodation to the students. The average of this expenditure is Rs. 9578, which

includes the cost of education (books and salary of teachers), food, medicine (when required), utility expense etc.

The amortization cost of the building isn't included in this expense as it is the property of Waqf (endowment)

established by the founder(s) of the Madresa .

According to Molana Adil Digri, as per a thumb rule, around one third of the said expenditure goes in education and

the rest goes to manage the accommodation of students. If this is so then on average a Madresa in Interior Sindh is

spending roughly Rs. 319 on student's education on monthly basis, and this number is even lower in interior

Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (Digri, 2011).

According to a conservative estimate around 2 million studies in Madaris today, multiplying it with students monthly

expense status above we get Rs. 640 million approximately which would be spent by Madaris to educate 2 million of

its students.

This is almost half of the amount spent by TCF foundation or Govt. of Pakistan, who would consume Rs. 1.2 Billion to

provide education to the same number of students. Despite spending this much, the parents would have to bear

expense of uniforms, books, transportation (as almost all TCF or public schools doesn't provide accommodation to

students) etc to a certain degree depending upon the subsidy offered by their respective school.

The quality of education provided in these Madresa is also equivalent or better than conventional or public schools

as it is often observed that pass outs of Madresa, appearing in equivalent examination systems like federal board,

secure top positions in primary, secondary and tertiary levels of education (Ghazi, 2011, p. 73). This claim doesn't

seem much farfetched keeping in view the quality of public schooling system in Pakistan (PETF, 2011).

Conclusion

An attempt has been made to explore the impact of Madaris on the society, which these days are under the spot

light due to their alleged involvement in terrorist activity. Investigation done by various researchers, cited in the

paper, proves otherwise. Instead of that various social benefits of the institutions has been also highlighted by

various authors, details of which has already been mentioned above. Some of the direct benefits include from

providing education free of cost, providing a safe house for millions of poor children who otherwise might risk

ending up as child labor (Bhatti, 2010), if he is lucky, or child prostitute (ECPAT, 2006; IRIN, 2010), at worst.

A part from that without charging any fee Madaris develop individuals with significantly higher chance of getting

employed. Being a source of religiosity in the society, it can be also inferred that influence of Madaris help reduce

crimes in the society. However in Pakistan and Sub-continent, it is argued by some authors that Madaris has been a

source of inciting sectarian violence, though a critical review of this accusation suggests that this phenomenon is not

8 Min = 700, Max = 1300

endorsed by mainstream Madresa network and role of foreign hand also cannot be ignored. In short with a little

effort internal reforms can help eradicate the weakness of reacting to the economic and political injustice prevalent

in some part of the country which provides a pretext of sectarian conflicts, as discussed. Keeping in view the

magnitude of the situation, it should be the prime responsibility of the government to provide the economic and

political rights to the vulnerable class so that suppressed ones do not use religion to justify their violent reaction to

the injustice done to them by effluent feudal class.

Publically available data was analyzed to compare the amount spent on each student by TCF or government of

Pakistan with that of Madaris. A sample of around 32 Madaris across the Sindh was taken, in which monthly expense

per student to educate a child was found to be around 50% less than that of a TCF school (on avg) or a general

estimate of expenditure done by Govt. of Pakistan. Over and above Madaris doesn't charge a penny from their

students and even provide accommodation, on the contrary TCF and public schools are not hundred percent free,

students have to purchase text and note books in most cases, take tuitions and even have to spend on daily traveling

which a Madresa resident student doesn't have to worry about.

The conclusions drawn on this paper are based on limited or secondary data. More primary data on Madresa

expenditure should be taken from the entire country with provincial, rural and urban categorization to increase the

confidence level of the conclusion on economic efficiency. Furthermore the criminal records of Pakistan needs to be

analyzed in details to find out the academic profiles of the incarcerated population and that how many of them are

Madresa pass-outs, to feel more confident the propensity of Madresa pass-outs to become a criminal. Also more

primary data is required to increase the confidence level of inference about the employability of Madresa graduates

as well. Information regarding how a Madresa handles any corrupt elements within itself with some case-studies is

also required to understand the seriousness which exists to the institution clean black-sheeps.

Appendix-A

Total Monthly Expense

per Student (Rs. )

Jamia Arabia Muftaul

Uloom

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Rusnah Muhamad

Culture is often cited as one of the powerful determinants in shaping the personality and behaviour of individuals. Religion, being an important element of culture, is seen as playing an important role in determining how people behave in certain situations. Various authors have suggested religion as an important dimension in Malaysian ethical behaviour studies especially for the Malays. Yet this construct is generally ignored or incorporated into other constructs. This study investigates the influence of religious education on the perceptions of unethical business practices among final year students in one of the local universities in Malaysia. In particular, this study examines the impact of education stream on the level of religious commitment among Malay Muslim students and how these two variables influence their ethical judgment. It was found that the level of religiosity is negative and significantly related to the level of tolerant towards unethical business practices. The findings also establish that more students from the religious education stream are found to be more religious and consequently, are less tolerance towards unethical business practices.

Robert Looney

The author examines the history and functioning of the Madrassa school system in Pakistan, which he sees as a fount of Islamic fundamentalism in that country, and a potential source of recruits for militant Islamic extremism. The debate over the Madrassas evokes images of jihad, warfare training, terrorism and an archaic system of education. Most of these perceptions are a result of generalizations and oversimplification of a complex phenomenon. The dilemma is that many Madrassa indeed play a role in violence and conflict. However, many others have a key place in Pakistan's religious and social life. The country's future appears to be at a turning point -- will Pakistan make the commitment to education necessary to eradicate poverty and prepare the country to compete in an integrated world economy, or will the majority in the country remain mired in poverty and despair? -- easy prey to radical groups. Will the country have the will to channel the Madrassas away from violence and conflict and towards a more productive role in the country's economy and society? For his part, President Musharraf has emphasized the theme that "Pakistan is a moderate Muslim country." He has spoken of his country's "greater jihad against illiteracy, poverty, and hunger," and enthusiastically detailed his hopes for reshaping his country's crumbling educational system and reforming its controversial religious schools. This article examines the country's educational system, with particular emphasis on the Madrassa. How does this system operate? What are the system's main limitations? What reforms is the Pakistani government currently undertaking to reorient the seminaries to serve the country as a whole? What actions characterize these reforms as distinct from earlier attempts? What is the nature and extent of opposition to them? What are the main implications for the international community in assisting the country's efforts at educating its population?

Abdullah H. M. Al-Khalifah

The goal of this paper is b examine the extent to which religiosity, within the Islamic context, can be viewed BS an effective mechanism against criminal temptation. To accomplish this, we will a) review the theories and literatwe concerning the religion-crime relationship, b) discuss the meaning of the religiosity concept in order to highlight essential features of religiosity in Islam that make it a valuable force in crime control within a Muslim society, and c) present a thorough discussion of certain elements of Islamic ideology that conshin criminal behavior. Theoretical Antecedence The relation of religion to other social phenomena has received a great deal of attention from social scientists. Given the variations of the ideological and philosophical backgrounds underlying most schools of SQcia1 thought, theme is no single view of the impact of religion. For example, Ibn Khaldiin ([d. 14061 1981) views religion, through its effect on social cohesion and cooperation, as a primary factor in the rise and fall of Societies. Marx (Tucker 1978), in his analysis of capitalism, recognizes the importance of religion as a control mechanism and considers it an effective instNment utilized by the bourgeois dass to maintain its dominance over the proletariat. On the conttary, Weber (1958) views the entin= capitalist system as a by-product of Protestantism. But it is perhaps the functional theorists who highlight the impowce of religion on the creation and maintenance of social order. They consider religion to be the basis and source of social values and norms by which people are united and their behavior and activities are regulated murkheim 1951). However, due to the increasingly secular nature of modem ...

Robert L. Heilbroner

Capitalism is often called market society by economists, and the free enterprise system by business and government spokesmen. But these terms, which emphasize certain economic or political characteristics, do not suffice to describe either the complexity or the crucial identificatory elements of the system. Capitalism is better viewed as a historical 'formation', distinguishable from formations that have preceded it, or that today parallel it, both by a core of central institutions and by the motion these institutions impart to the whole. Although capitalism assumes a wide variety of appearances from period to period and place to place – one need only compare Dickensian England and 20th-century Sweden or Japan – these core institutions and distinctive movements are discoverable in all of them, and allow us to speak of capitalism as a historical entity, comparable to ancient imperial kingdoms or to the feudal system.

Cheryl Benard

Contemporary Islam is struggling within itself over its values, identity, and place in the world, with rivals contending for spiritual and political dominance--as well as with the "outside" world. In Western eyes, the ideal Islamic community would be democratic, economically viable, politically stable, and socially progressive and would follow the rules and norms of international conduct. But as the international community strives to understand all this and, possibly, influence the outcome, the best approaches--or even whom to approach--are not always easy to determine. As an aid to the process, this report compares and contrasts the subgroups within Islam. The author recommends careful deliberation in deciding how to proceed, taking into account the symbolic weight of certain issues, the meaning likely to be assigned to any positions U.S. policymakers might take on these issues, the consequences for other Islamic actors, and the opportunity costs and possible unintended consequences. With all that in mind, the author then makes her own series of recommendations.

Lee Ellis

Assertions about the relationship (or, sometimes, the lack of a relationship) between religiosity and criminality are examined in light of over 50 research studies, paying special attention to how criminality and particularly religiosity were operationalized in each study. These studies reveal that three religiosity-criminality relationships have been established. The best documented relationship is between church attendance and crime rates. At least among church members, the evidence consistently indicates that frequent church attenders have lower crime rates than infrequent attenders, especially regarding victimless offenses. Second, among the main Western religions, membership in the Jewish religion is associated with lower crime rates, compared to Christian religious membership as a whole; and, among Christians, Protestants as a whole have lower crime rates than Catholics. Third, belief in an afterlife with divine punishment possible, at least among persons who consider themselves members of an organi...

Lee Ellis
James Peterson

At the individual level of analysis, evidence has accumulated in support of the hypothesis that persons who are most religious commit crimes at lower rates than those who are least religious. This study examined the relationship at a societal level, based on 1990–1991 data from 13 industrial nations. Overall, the findings revealed that more religious countries have lower crime rates than less religious countries, at least regarding property crimes (as opposed to either aggressive or victimless offenses). As has been reported when comparing individuals, this relationship was more pronounced in the case of "overt" aspects of religiosity (especially church attendance and church membership) than in the case of any specific religious beliefs. The results were discussed in the context of four theories that predict an inverse religiosity-criminality relationship: control theory, rational choice theory, moral reasoning theory, and arousal theory. Findings from the present study seemed most consistent with moral reasoning theory and arousal theory.

BADR-EL-DIN ALI

The penal policy in Saudi Arabia (governed by Islamic Law) is based largely on deterrence and retribution in concept and is characterized by certainty and speed in practice while in the United States the penal philosophy (governed by positive law) is based mainly on offender rehabilitation and the administration of justice is rather slow and uncertain. Recent crime rates differ markedly between the two countries in favor of Saudi Arabia whether in crimes of violence or property. A combination of factors seems to contribute to the very low rates of crime in Saudi Arabia including the firm and deterrent effect of Islamic criminal law, the general effect of religion and religiosity, the influence of Quaranic teachings, and the Islamic educational system.

Muhammad Qasim Zaman

This essay is an enquiry into the context, nature, and significance of militant sectarian conflict in Pakistan. The parties to the conflict are the Sunnis, who constitute the majority of Muslims in Pakistan, and the Shi'a, a small but influential minority. Conflict between these two religious communities has deep roots in the history of Islam and of South Asia. In Pakistan, which aspires to be in some sense an 'Islamic state', sectarian conflict is part of, and interacts with, broader issues concerning the place of Islam in public life. This essay seeks to analyse some of factors which have contributed, especially in the past twenty-five years or so, to militant sectarian conflict in Pakistan and to assess the significance of this rather neglected form of Islamic radicalism.

Religion provides an important basis for social integration and the prevention of deviant behavior, such as tax fraud, a crime that costs society billions of dollars in lost revenue. The literature on tax fraud and tax fraud acceptability (TFA) has neglected religiosity as a social bond that may deter this type of behavior. Furthermore, existing work is based on the United States; there are no systematic cross-national studies. In particular, there is no research exploring the "moral communities" hypothesis that religiosity's effect on deviance will vary according to the strength of national moral communities. The present study addresses these two gaps in the literature by analyzing data on 45,728 individuals in 36 nations from the World Values Surveys. We control for other predictors of TFA, including social bonds, economic strain, and demographic factors. The results determined that the higher the individual's level of religiosity, the lower the TFA. Results on the moral community's hypothesis were mixed. However, in a separate analysis of individual nations, the presence of a "moral community" (majority of the population identifies with a religious group) explained 39 percent of the variation in the presence or absence of the expected religiosity-TFA relationship. Furthermore, the presence of a communist regime in a nation, often known for the oppression of religious groups who then may view the regime as illegitimate, diminished the impact of religion on TFA.

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